Rousseau's and Locke's Theories

Locke (1986, p. 8) defined policy-making indicator as "a right of making laws, with penalties of death, and consequently tout ensemble less penalties for the regulating and preserving of property." Locke (1986, p. 8) also saying the use of political power to be solely "in the defense of the land from foreign injury, and all this only for the political good."

Consequently, he proverb liberty as requiring man in nature to be free from all superior external powers. In society, Locke (1986, p. 17) saw the liberty of man as "under no otherwise legislative power except that established by live with in the commonwealth, nor under the dominion of any will, or constraint of any law, but what that legislative shall enact according to the aver put in it." What this suggests is that Locke held firmly that men constituted the realm and accorded to it powers meant to be used on behalf of the best interests of citizens. The great destination of uniting society into a commonwealth and allowing a disposal to make laws impacting upon individuals was in his view "the preservation of their property" (Locke, 1986, p. 70).

The Lockean readying of government's obligations depends upon the willingness of individuals to submit themselves to a common government and a reciprocally binding set of laws that derive from the consent of the governed. Locke argued, as was revealed in the class of February 20, 2004, that individuals make society and that the good of the individual is a

Such a system not only imposes duties and restraints on the governed, it also all the way restricts the actions of government and, in cases where a monarch reigns, the monarch or ruler himself. Locke (1986, p. 77) clearly get laidd that rulers would "be tempted by the power they have in their hands to employ it to purposes." Just as man in a state of nature was seen by this philosopher as promising to exercise his power to his own personalised advantage, so did Locke (1986) recognize that law was a mechanism that had the effect of regulating and trammel the powers that a ruler or even an elected attracter could exercise.

Men do not join in a society to give away all of their own power, but do so with the understanding that a loss of personal power will lead to greater personal testimonial and therefrom greater security for oneself, one's family, and one's property.

Locke (1986) certainly did not associate with this and also did not see anything wrong with the reality of approximately societies -- a reality in which property and the possession hence determined status and class. The two thinkers, while agreeing on the requisite of freedom and recognizing that integral to freedom is the rig ht to possess and therefore use property to one's own advantage, disagree with respect to the effects that property has on human societies.

Political authority in the present essay is understood in Rousseau's (1987) sense of the kind contract in which the people of a particular graze or country agree and contract to allow a government to exist in order to achieve constancy and order in society. Political authority is a formula of what Rousseau called civil holiness which places the state or the civitas in a position of authority and dominance with respect to society. Civil religion and political authority are generally separated from religion or theological systems. This is particularly the case in the novel world in which the separation of church and state is seen as a necessary good.

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